Chapter 356 The storm (3)
Chapter 356 The storm (3)
Tun Abdul Razak concluded by questioning Liu Xiao about the relationship between the Chinese government in West Malaysia and the South Chinese government in East Malaysia. Liu Xiao, knowing his concerns and expectations, said calmly, "We differ from Luo Bing and his colleagues. We are committed to world peace. The autonomous government established in Malacca, Singapore, will be open to the world, treating everyone equally, whether Chinese, Malay, British, or American. We will establish a democratic and free nation."
Liu Xiao's words hinted that the autonomous government established in West Malaysia would not be named after a Chinese state. Tun Abdul Razak learned from various sources that Liu Xiao and his group were actually supported by the British, a stark contrast to Nan Hua's support for the flower-growing families. Furthermore, Liu Xiao and Luo Bing had already fallen out over their handling of Burmese affairs, demonstrating their inherent rift. This reassured Tun Abdul Razak. After all, both countries had split from Malaysian territory, and who knew what deeper motives lay. Liu Xiao's seemingly promising words reassured Tun Abdul Razak.
In Sandakan, the capital of the Nanhua Autonomous Region on the island of Kalimantan, Luo Bing was meeting with his ministers. For Luo Bing, marrying the daughters of the four great families, both openly and covertly, seemed to bring unity to the nation. However, the fact that the four families controlled most government positions through this marriage also posed a significant constraint. For example, the Prime Minister, led by the Liang family, had clearly objected to the establishment of a maritime guard for the autonomous government. The reason was simple: the four great families were too narrow-minded. They believed that with the support of China, the United States, and the United Kingdom, a nation would soon be established. Neighboring countries and colonies would not dare to defy the will of the three powers. They were unwilling to invest in a navy, a service that clearly required a high level of expenditure. They believed that even if they established their own navy, it would be useless. Rather than wasting money on such a bottomless pit, they should invest the money in infrastructure.
Luo Bing was very clear that after the Southeast Asian independence movement was completed, countries large and small would have disputes over islands and exclusive marine areas due to history and origins. Without their own naval power, they would eventually be controlled by the United States and the Soviet Union, laying the groundwork for the future.
Luo Bing's face darkened as he watched the arguing ministers. He felt helpless against these short-sighted individuals. At this moment, Luo Bing needed the help of the four great families to complete Nanhua's transition from self-government to independence. He had no choice but to put on a forced smile, acting as a peacemaker among the squabbling ministers.
Wang Chengwu's plans for Java were gradually being refined. The United States was well aware that with Java as a thorn in its side, it could easily intervene in Southeast Asian affairs for any reason. Facing pressure from the United States, Wang Chengwu, after receiving a hint from Yang Hong, decisively agreed to implement dual citizenship in the future Java. This would allow both the Chinese and American people to legally become Javanese citizens by assuming Chinese ancestry. Several retired US Marine Corps officers had already entered Java through various channels and become legal citizens.
Semarang in central Java, a traditional Chinese settlement, also served as Wang Chengwu's headquarters. Java Island, Indonesia's most populous and economically concentrated region, also had the Dutch East Indies Governorate located in Jakarta, west of the island. In fact, Wang Chengwu and his team's plan did not include West Java in the future Javanese state. Instead, they envisioned a predominantly Chinese state in Central and East Java, along with the surrounding islands. This gap between ideal and reality was significant, especially with regard to the indigenous population of East Java, which presented the greatest challenge for Wang Chengwu and his team.
Yang Hong instructed Wang Chengwu to utilize the Dutch colonial army to systematically eliminate the indigenous people. In a different time and space, these indigenous people, under the instructions of the Indonesian military government, participated in numerous atrocities against the Chinese. In this time and space, Yang Hong and his team would certainly seek to eliminate these hidden dangers. With the support of the American Navy, a large number of retired military personnel joined the Dutch mercenary force. Wang Chengwu and his team secretly reached an agreement with Governor Van Mok to deploy this mercenary force to East Java, using the pretext of maintaining public order. When the Chinese on the island were attacked by the indigenous people, these mercenaries and Wang Chengwu's Chinese Self-Defense Force immediately launched a large-scale attack on the indigenous people, forcing them to leave East Java and flee east of Bali.
Deep in the dense forests of Cambodia, the guerrillas led by the GGC maintained a large base, surrounded by a division-level People's Army unit. Nguyen Ching Quoc was a regimental commander within this unit, commanding over 700 men. While nominally a Kinh, he was in reality a senior member of the Liu Mo Long Special Operations Unit. He hid his identity, posing as a Kinh from South Vietnam, and served as a mid-level officer in the South Vietnamese People's Army, participating in the anti-colonial war.
At this moment, Nguyen Ching-kuo, under the guidance of a Soviet military advisor, was planning a surprise attack on a French base east of Phnom Penh. Lieutenant Colonel Dadlov, a former Ukrainian guerrilla leader, had led his troops in years of fighting the Germans in the jungles of southern Ukraine during the Great Patriotic War and possessed extensive guerrilla warfare experience.
Based on the guerrilla army's equipment, personnel, and other conditions, Dadlov formulated surprise attacks, transportation sabotage attacks, etc. Although there were certain differences in combat thinking with the South Vietnamese, the People's Army accepted the leadership of the GGC, and Soviet military experts became their actual superiors.
Nguyen Ching-kuo was deeply dissatisfied with Dadlov's request for his own troops, numbering over 700, to attack a French battalion-sized base. A French battalion, with nearly 800 men, not counting puppet troops and police, would roughly face over 1000 enemies, armed with a considerable amount of mountain artillery. Eighty kilometers from the base, a French land-based air wing with approximately 80 helicopters would arrive within 24 minutes to provide support. Even if the entire guerrilla division were deployed, it was not certain they could capture the enemy base.
However, Dadlov loudly promoted the GGC's fearless spirit. He believed that the South Vietnamese People's Army had the support of the people and was the liberator, and would inevitably defeat the invaders.
Ruan Jingguo laughed to himself. If the enemy could be defeated with spirit, the world would have been free of exploitation and oppression long ago. Red flags would surely be raised everywhere.
Ruan Jingguo came up with an idea. He began to flatter the Soviet military expert and tried to persuade him to lead the team personally and participate in this exciting battle!
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